Dimitrios Papadimoulis Activity

The arrival of Russian President Vladimir Putin in Greece on May 27 to meet with the Greek leadership and visit Mount Athos was not at all accidental. Both countries share the same approach on the need for deeper energy partnership and large-scale investments in a global environment characterized by big political and economic uncertainty, the rise of religious extremism and warfare.

Greece and Russia have traditionally developed political and economic ties, not only driven by the obvious religious reference, but primarily as a result of mutual interests in the Balkan region and the Southeastern Mediterranean Basin.

The rise of Syriza to power reinstated this partnership. Syriza’s strategic priority was the development of a multilateral foreign policy that recognizes the merits of regional cooperation and seeks genuine cooperation with pivotal players in adjacent areas. Committed to preserve and multiply the appeal of the EU and Greece in a turbulent geographical region, the Syriza-led government strongly criticized the imposition of sanctions on Russia by the EU Council.

In this respect, Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras in his meeting with Putin underlined the “strategic choice of the Greek government to strengthen bilateral relations, respecting Greece’s stance and position in the EU,” with Putin adding that “we acknowledge that realism has to prevail in bilateral relations.”

What Russia Can Gain from Greece

High-level talks between the two delegations emphasized energy cooperation and the involvement of Russian companies in a number of privatizations. The creation of the new Greek Privatisation Fund has multiplied potential for investments in real estate and transport — it has to be noted that the inauguration of the Trans Adriatic Pipeline (TAP) facilitates Gazprom's plan to further develop the South Gas Corridor.

Transferring gas from Azerbaijan through Turkey toward Greece, Italy and then to Central Europe is only one option that Russia can further explore. The re-ignition of the trilateral partnership along with Greece and Bulgaria, and the benefits in terms of exploiting the prospective infrastructure scheme and capacity in Northern Greece, are certainly motivating factors for Gazporm to build on a multi-network of gas supply crossing the Balkan region and Western Europe.

Timing also matters as Greece is entering a new stage after 1.5 years of negotiations on its bailout program. The release of the next tranche, the agreement on a roadmap to finally address debt relief issues and the strong intention of the Greek government to emphasize growth and investment projects in the coming period is something Moscow evaluates positively. Greece has also broadened its energy policy coalitions with Israel and Cyprus in the Eastern Mediterranean, gaining significant leverage and recovering from a long period of non-involvement in regional affairs.

What Greece Can Gain from Russia

Greece is delicately re-shaping its positioning regionally, gaining confidence and foreseeing significant financial benefits, especially after introducing a new, investment-friendly growth bill into parliament. The first steps of cooperation with Russia were determined last year when Tsipras visited Moscow and a number of Greek officials and business representatives travelled to Moscow several times to explore reciprocal investment opportunities.

On the financial side, the Greek economy can take advantage of its open market for foreign non-EU investments and capitalize on the fact that the European Commission and the majority of member states have undertaken a critical stance against Russia’s financial involvement in their domestic economies.

For the Greek government, the lifting of sanctions and reinstatement of Russia’s position in the G8 is of paramount importance. A positive development on that front, with the European Commission assuming a more constructive approach, would also turn Greece into a top destination for Russian tourists.

On the geopolitical side, the deterioration of bilateral relations between Russia and Turkey and the fact that Greece is a low-risk area in terms of security challenges are considered as key incentives for deepening ties. In addition to that, Greece wants a strong ally and a global power on its side for the coming geopolitical shifts that will take place in the wider region, mainly regarding any negative shift in the refugee crisis and the ongoing turbulence in the Arab World.

Dimitris Papadimoulis is vice president of the European Parliament and head of the Syriza party delegation.

• Dimitrios Papadimoulis reaction on delaying the formation of the European Parliament's Working Group on the Greek program
• He asks for explanations and declares: "there's danger to weaken the role of the European Parliament"

 

The President of the European Parliament and SYRIZA MEP, Dimitrios Papadimoulis, along with the German MEP of GUE/NGL, Fabio de Masi sent a letter to the President of the Committee for Economic and Monetary Affairs (ECON), Roberto Gualtieri - dated February 17 2016. The reason was the cancellation of the first meeting of the Working Group set up to control the fiscal adjustment programs.

You can find the letter below:

Dear Chairman of the ECON,
Mr Gualtieri,
Almost 5 months have passed since the first positive decision of the Conference of Presidents on the Greek PM Tsipras's letter on increasing the role of the EP in the scrutiny of the adjustment programmes, especially in the case of Greece.
Following the recent decision on the establishment of the Financial Assistance Working Group (FAWG) the first meeting on 3/2 was cancelled.
Therefore, we would like to enquire when the necessary actions for the formation of the FAWG with all its members and all the necessary preparations for the proper planning and time schedule as well as the concrete agenda of the forthcoming meetings of the FAWG are to be expected ? Further delays might weaken the role of the European Parliament in the exchange with the institutions and governments involved.


Yours sincerely


Dimitrios Papadimoulis
Fabio de Masi

• Dim. Papadimoulis: "The new Greek Government is very serious and very stable - it has the support of 80% of Greeks – there is absolutely no risk for a Grexit». • Jeroen Dijsselbloem: "Regarding primary surplus, we will come back during the four month extension, which will allow the new Greek government to fulfill its obligations." • Jeroen Dijsselbloem: "If the economic conditions reveal that there is margin, the budgetary targets may be adjusted." Speech by Dim. Papadimoulis on the Committee of Economic and Monetary Affairs (ECON) of the European Council and response from the President of the Eurogroup, Geroun Ntaiselmploum. The Vice-President of the European Parliament and MEP of SYRIZA, Dimitrios Papadimoulis, spoke today on behalf of GUE/NGL, at the meeting of the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs (ECON) in the European Parliament and asked questions to the President of the Eurogroup, Jeroen Dijsselbloem on the discussion about Economic and Monetary Affairs, where the issue of Greece and its "list" of reforms was dominating. The full text of the speech of Dim. Papadimoulis and the relative response of Jeroen Dijsselbloem follows: Dim. Papadimoulis: "Mr. Dijsselbloem I welcome you to the European Parliament. Just now I read the comment of the European Commission regarding the list of reforms that was filed on time by the Greek Government. It is described as "sufficiently comprehensive" and adds that the European Commission is particularly encouraged by the strong commitment of the new Greek Government to combat fraud and corruption. Do you agree with this comment, since you personally have already seen it? I would like to reassure both fellow German Christian Democrats and British Conservatives that the new Greek Government is very serious and very stable. It has the support of 80% of the Greek citizens according to all the polls as far as the discussions that are taking place, and Greek citizens support with 80% the participation in the eurozone and there is absolutely no risk for a Grexit. I would like to ask you two things, Mr. Dijsselbloem. First: According to the Eurogroup decision on November 27, 2012, which you also mentioned, the Eurogroup is committed since the Greek State Budget has primary surpluses, to take additional measures for decreasing the Greek debt – without of course burdening any more the European taxpayers. There are related proposals from the Bruegel Institute that have been filled. When does the Eurogroup plan to discuss and implement, in cooperation with the Greek authorities, such measures? And the second: You know very well that the ending program caused 25% recession in the Greek economy and a huge humanitarian crisis. Over 25% unemployment, 2,500,000 Greeks live below the poverty line, 9 out of 10 Greeks unemployed don’t receive a cent of unemployment allowance... In the statement on Friday, you have noted "adequate primary surpluses." The new Greek Government wants primary surpluses, wants neat public finances, but has requested for a realistic downwards readjustment, of the primary surpluses agreed by the previous government, of the unrealistic 3% and 4.5%. When do you plan to give a specific definition of the word "appropriate" ("appropriate primary surpluses") specific, in order to enhance a dynamic development of the Greek economy? Jeroen Dijsselbloem: "Thank you for your questions. First of all you asked me whether I share the Commisions positive assessment of the Greek first list. I can’t at this point. Because the right order is for the three institutions to provide us with some advice first and if all three of them are positive we will have a conference call later this afternoon among the ministers to be informed by that and hopefully to be supportive. Then we can continue the process, which I think is crucial, I think we should start it; this is just a first step as I said. It’s no more than a first list and a lot of work has to be done. Then you asked about the dealing with debt sustainability and referred to the November 12 agreement Eurogroup statement. It strikes me that whenever people refer to it they only take out one of the criteria that is actually in that statement. And that’s not going to happen. There were a number of criteria. First of all it said that the Eurogroup could consider if necessary, which has to do with the question is the debt sustainable in 2020 and 2022, further measures to deal with debt sustainability, on the criteria that Greece has a primary surplus, Greece fulfilling all the commitments in the program, which of course has not happened yet. I think those were the exact words. So the Eurogroup will consider if necessary, in other words if debt sustainability once again is jeopardized, if Greece fulfils all the commitments and the program is concluded successfully, which requires a fifth review to be concluded. Then we mentioned a couple of possibilities in terms of what kind of measures we could take. So please if you refer to that statement, use the whole statement and not just one of the criteria. So we will come back to that issue, on the basis of the four month extension, if that is going to be agreed. That will allow the new Greek Government to fulfill its commitments, then we can finalize the whole program period, we can make a new debt sustainability analysis and then we’ll see whether it’s necessary and what further measures if necessary we can take. I think that was your questions". Dim. Papadimoulis: "I asked you for the primary surplus". Jeroen Dijsselbloem: "But here again you must read the statement in full, it says the "appropriate" primary surplus, referring again to the November 2012 statement. In November 2012 we came to an agreement that was basically an adjustment of the second program and it was on the basis of a rising number for primary surpluses as you know 1,5% last year, 3% this year, 4,5% next year. Now whether that is still reasonable and appropriate, we will have to see later on. The Greek economy has had a set back at the end of last year and we’ll have to see how the economy evolves over the first half of this year, then it’s up to the commission first of all, to see whether the fiscal targets and the timelines, the increase in primary surplus is still accessible, is still possible giving the economic circumstances. But that is quite a different thing from a government saying we now will no longer respect this targets. That cannot be done unilaterally. So in other words if economic circumstances so require, fiscal targets can be adjusted in programs and have been adjusted in the past. But it cannot be a unilateral decision of the government involved to say "we are no longer committed to these targets" and that’s not the way it can work". Watch the full video of the speech and the answers here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7W_WbXtQSsc

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